By Gerry Hassan 
 
The story is familiar: there is a pesky, partisan, immature nationalism out and about influencing our body politic.
 
This is the account of Scottish nationalism put forward by a range of commentators and public figures. Yet it could as easily be articulated about the ideas of unionism because unionism is at its heart a form of nationalism – British state nationalism.

Scottish nationalism has its faults and limitations. It is cautious, conservative and shaped by the characteristics of the society from which it was born. It is also a nationalism, but at least it understands itself as such and is seen as such a phenomenon by everyone.

Unionism doesn’t comprehend that it is a nationalism. It is an obvious point when you think about it. What state does unionism declare its allegiance and loyalty to above all else? The British state. Yet unionism is in denial that it is such a thing as nationalism; it thinks nationalism is about others and not about itself.

For this reason, unionism is not at a very mature stage in the development of nationalism, being intransigent about the British state and parliamentary sovereignty in relation to the EU, and even worse, hung up on superficialities such as flags, symbols, borders and border controls, which have traditionally transfixed certain types of nationalism.

The fact that unionism is a form of nationalism, a point accepted as uncontroversial in political science debates, does not make it any less legitimate or a mainstream part of Scotland and the UK. But this lack of self-knowledge and self-acceptance limits and damages our political debate.

Many pro-union writers of intelligence such as Brian Wilson in ‘The Scotsman’ or Hugo Rifkind in ‘The Times’ believe that they can take the moral high ground by dismissing Scottish nationalism for a variety of reasons. These include that it is all about emotions, past history, imagined grievances, and shaped by a bourgeois set of priorities irrelevant to economic and social concerns.

The emotional dismissal of Scottish nationalism is an interesting one. Brian Wilson argues that the economic case put forward by Alex Salmond and John Swinney is a cover, and that if it could be proven that an independent Scotland would be less well off, Nationalists wouldn’t reverse their position. Thus the argument goes that this isn’t about economics, but emotions and instincts and can therefore be dismissed.

Yet the opposite argument is just as true and revealing. If Brian Wilson found out that an independent Scotland would be economically better off and socially more just, he would not give up on his belief in the UK. The reason is the same – his attachment to the UK is not economic, but that of an emotional nationalist.

British nationalism if it wanted to start engaging and being relevant at this point would embrace the idea of a serious, long-term project of nation building at the British level which addressed the multiple challenges and crises of Britain. It would come up with pan-British projects beyond the tokenism of the Olympics and Southern connected focus of HS2 which tried to tackle the realities of the disunited kingdom.

It would deal with the quasi-independence of London as a world city from the rest of the UK, the over-concentration of public infrastructure projects and investment in London and the South East (to the huge detriment of the North West and North East of England), and the absence of any political will in the Westminster classes from doing anything about this.

The United Kingdom is one of the most unequal states in the rich world, with one of the most uneven regional patterns of development anywhere, and an economy, hugely imbalanced and skewed towards short-term, predatory capitalism. For all of the talk of ‘rebalancing the economy’, the UK in investment to GDP ratios is 159th in the world on 2012 figures, with a mere fourteen countries below it, seven in the sub-Saharan Africa.

An intelligent, reforming unionism would address these long-term challenges and crises which link to the decline in authority of the various British establishments, political, business, media and civic, and the collapse of trust in public institutions. This relates to the decline in the idea of Britain which can be seen across the four nations of the union, and which won’t be reversed by words and bluster, but need deeds which so far look impossible.

Next year’s independence debate can be interpreted as one between two competing claims of nationalism. One (Scottish) is ‘out’ and self-aware and self-reflective about its characteristics. The other (British) is mostly in denial and lacking in self-knowledge and self-awareness as a version of nationalism.

A choice between two nationalisms does not to put it mildly give us a very varied, dynamic political conversation. Nor does it address the central issues which have shaped much of the Scottish debate. Nationalism is at its core a reductive philosophy, one that is about the competing claims of nations and the form of states.

This is a reason Scottish nationalism has pitched its appeal on the centre-left of politics, but we have to make the break more explicit and widen the choice. We have to address what kind of Scotland do we want to live in, which just doesn’t mean self-government versus the union, but what kind of values and priorities do we want to champion as a society?

This should not be about one nationalism versus another, and nor should we let the bunkum of one nationalism pretending it isn’t one, while patronising and caricaturing the other, shape the political environment.

There is an element of condescension and attempted delegitimisation on the part of a generation of senior and former Labour politicians such as Gordon Brown, Alastair Darling and George Robertson.

Rather than engage in their endless posturing, it would be more useful for all of us, if thoughtful unionist voices addressed how they plan to put back the disunited kingdom that characterises the economic, social and political facets of the modern UK. Unionism must have more to say on the big challenges of our day rather than just hectoring and insulting its opponents; but that requires confronting the many unpleasant truths about the state of the UK, which is a bit more difficult than empty rhetoric and denial.


Courtesy of Gerry Hassan – http://gerryhassan.com

Comments  

 
#
williemacewan
2013-08-11 20:46

Another excellent piece from Gerry.
 
 
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bringiton
2013-08-11 21:00

People like Wilson,Brown and Darling only see one nation and that is Westminsterland  .

They absolutely deny that Scotland is a country and should we be stupid enough to agree with them,will ensure that we are wiped from the map forever.

The referendum question is entirely about whether you agree that Scotland is a country or not.

How many countries in the world have held a plebiscite to decide whether they should allow another country to run it’s affairs? Not many I think.

So the question should really be To Be or Not To Be.
 
 
#
call me dave
2013-08-11 21:22

O/T
Tuned into Radio 5 live to catch the last round of USPGA Golf(sorry folks) the BBC presenters have been on now for a full 6 minutes and have given us a verbal run down of all the golfers in the top 10 at present including the Uk and Irish who have all dropped down the field to 23rd and 29th Ahem!

Except Mark warren who is lying 9th at 3 under par after 8 holes.

He’s Scottish! Am I paranoid Naa!
Good old BBC.
10 minutes now second run down and not a peep!

@:(
 
 
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MacSenex
2013-08-11 22:25

Have always said that if you believe in a Scottish state you are a Scottish nationalist and if you believe in a British state you are a British nationalist.

Let’s stop calling them Unionists, they are British nationalists

Have always said that if you believe in a Scottish state you are a Scottish nationalist and if you believe in a British state you are a British nationalist.

Let’s stop calling them Unionists, they are British nationalists
 
 
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Christian_Wright
2013-08-12 03:11

Gerry Hassan: “. . but we have to make the break more explicit and widen the choice. . . what kind of Scotland . . we want . . which just doesn’t mean self-government versus the union, but what kind of values and priorities . . we want to champion as a society?”

This is a totally bogus argument. Had you listened to Alex Salmond’s conference speech a couple of years back when he talked about the Common Weal, and the arguments offered weekly at FMQ in favour of preserving and nourishing the Scottish Social Compact, you would know that these questions are in fact being addressed continually.

The debate over Lamont’s policy about-face and her description of Scotland’s alleged something for nothing culture. Policy battles over over the redistribution of wealth. How best to stimulate and guarantee economic growth and inward investment by slashing corporation tax, et al.

I do not know what Gerry is talking about here, and I suspect, neither does he.
 
 
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Ben Power
2013-08-12 07:28

Agree with the point about Common Weal, but that aside what an excellent article.
Using the concept of British Nationalism opposed to local Scottish Nationalism is a super point in discussions about the referendum.
Looking at what is on offer from westminster right now and from the recent past THEN comparing that to what we have now in Scotland from our minimum allowed Nationalism, which one would a sensible person choose if they were really looking after the intersts of themselves, their familly, friends and community.

The YES choice is pretty obvious put that way.
 
 
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Abulhaq
2013-08-12 09:09

A mature Brit nationalism is not likely anytime soon. G Brown flirted with this and the “best” thought he came up with some celebration of the battle of Trafalgar. That is it really. Royalty, the flag, mother of parliaments mythology, Gibraltar & Falklands are British, the war, heroes, buckets of maudlin sentimentality, anti EU-ism….the Brit vox pop in a nutshell.
 
 
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CharlieObrien
2013-08-23 16:45

Excellent comment.What they yearn for is more wars,and more jingoistic rhetoric.
 

 
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chicmac
2013-08-12 11:26

Gerry is wrong, IMV. Scottish nationalism, certainly relatively speaking to Brit Nationalism, is not conservative and unwilling to change at all. It is outward looking (in as far as it is able from its restricted political situation) and willing to embrace things from other cultures.

He seems to view Scottish nationalism through shortbread tinted spectacles.
 
 
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ScotsCanuck
2013-08-12 16:58

Gerry, well structured & argued article.
 
 
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Angus
2013-08-19 12:39

A brilliant well written article, thank you Gerry
 

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